The Idea of Terror: White Supremacist Violence and the Making of Counterterrorism
My book manuscript seeks to unpack the intuition that “we know terrorism when we see it” and probe how the concept of “terrorism” preserves power structures that privilege whites in Western democracies. While differential treatment of Islamist and far-right extremists by governments is well-documented, we lack an understanding of how counter-terrorism and counter-extremism discourse and law in Western societies interact to produce a system that naturalizes such differential treatment in the first place, thereby making the “we know terrorism when we see it” logic possible and widely intelligible. I ask: whose interests are served by labeling divorced from law, and how do groups atop power hierarchies maintain their positions by strategically employing the “terrorist” classifier, both in discourse and in national security policy?
Firmly rooted in interpretive ethnographic approaches, my research uses interviews with current and former national security bureaucrats and policymakers in Germany and the United States to gain insight into how the people making counterterrorism and counter-extremism policy securitize various ideologies as “threats” and think about their roles in combating those threats. I find that even individuals who view far-right extremism as a dire threat to national security nevertheless express a sense of hopelessness at the ability of existing institutions to address that threat—and, moreover, that these individuals are unable to imagine profound structural changes to their respective countries’ security architectures. I draw on critical race theory to understand this duality as a display of hegemonic power, in which the construction and persistence of whiteness demands that it not be probed too deeply, even when its detrimental effects on national security are obvious.
The rest of the project traces the implications of my theory for militant organizations and international norms surrounding the use of force. Using a variety of computational text-as-data methods, as well as close reading of primary sources in multiple languages, I show how military action abroad legitimizes government interests while militant organizations co-opt them for their own propaganda. In doing so, I connect seemingly ad-hoc applications of the “terrorist” classifier and near-instinctual intuitions of what “terrorism” means to paint a more comprehensive picture of how the “terrorism” label acts as a site of power production and reproduction for state actors—and how this particular process of preserving status quo hierarchies can in fact be counterproductive for reducing political violence.
The Idea of Terror: Institutional Reproduction in Government Responses to Political Violence
International Studies Quarterly 64 (3): 499–509 (2020) (PDF)
Winner of the 2021 Genevieve Gorst Herfurth Award for Outstanding Research in the Social Sciences, UW–Madison
Despite the recent global uptick in white supremacist terrorism, governments continue to face accusations of not taking the threat seriously, either discursively or in terms of policy responses. Why do acts of white supremacist violence consistently fail to constitute turning points for policy change? Rather than considering acts of political violence as critical junctures for change, I argue that such acts instead reveal how persistent institutions of power actually are. I develop a theory of hegemonic components of national identity that links institutionalized white supremacy to the differential treatment of non-white perpetrators, even when they are deemed terrorists, through a process of institutional reproduction. Drawing on interviews with German national security elites, I show that even when white supremacist violence is treated as terrorism, both legally and discursively, it does not engender policy responses and attitudinal changes on par with those following other terrorist threats.
Racism By Designation: Making Sense of Why Western States Rarely Designate White Supremacists as Terrorists (under review; with Zoltán Búzás; manuscript available upon request)
Why do states designate some actors engaged in political violence as terrorists but not others? Why have Western states designated so few white supremacist actors as terrorists compared to other actors engaged in political violence? Formal terrorist designation mechanisms have practical implications for national security and foreign policy as well as normative implications for what actors are illegitimate in the eyes of the state, yet they have received little attention in political science. We draw on the norms literature and critical work on racism and terrorism to argue that designation patterns reflect and reinforce broader practices of racializing the “terrorist” category. While Arabs/Muslims are stereotypically seen as terrorists, whites benefit from the presumption of not being terrorists. The result is a racial double standard at the core of the norm against terrorism, such that white supremacists are disproportionately less likely to be designated as terrorists than other groups. Using detailed case studies of designation in the United States and United Kingdom, we illustrate the value of this argument. Additionally, we suggest that although recent designations of white supremacist groups have the potential to transform our normative understandings of terrorism and reduce its discriminatory application to designations, these moves function more as window-dressing. Our argument illustrates the deep entrenchment of racism in Western states’ counterterrorism practices and calls for further study of racialized norms surrounding “terrorism” in mainstream international relations.
Terror as Justice, Justice as Terror: Counterterrorism and Anti-Black Racism in the United States (revise & resubmit at Critical Studies on Terrorism; manuscript available upon request)
How do counterterrorism policies in the United States reproduce anti-Black racism? Research on U.S. domestic counterterrorism policy post-9/11 has largely focused on the experiences of Muslim Americans while marginalizing both separate and overlapping effects on non-Muslim people of color, particularly non-Muslim Black communities. I argue that domestic counterterrorism policy, as an act of determining what types of political contention states find non-threatening, is both rooted in the historical treatment of Black resistance and continues to derive power and legitimacy from oppressing Black communities. Using the case of the Black Liberation Army and its members, I show that federal counterterrorism institutions in the U.S. are rooted in opposition to Black liberation, although those institutions also target non-Black communities. This article thus extends understandings of discrimination and prejudice within the U.S. counterterrorism apparatus and advocates for greater attention to anti-Blackness not only in policing but also in security institutions more broadly.
Counterterrorism and Combatancy: Revealing the Laws of War Using the Soleimani Assassination (working paper available upon request)
The U.S.’s invocation of the “War on Terror” and subsequent legal architecture to justify extralegal uses of force is well understood by the international community and bolstered by a U.S. public who accepts racialized and Othered constructions of “terrorist.” If legal arguments are not necessary to convince domestic audiences that an individual or group is a “terrorist,” and if foreign audiences are unlikely to take them seriously, what are these arguments good for? I explore this question using the example of the January 2020 assassination of Quds Force Commander Qassem Soleimani. Using novel social media data from around the Soleimani assassination, I first show that the association of Soleimani with the “terrorist” moniker among the general public was immediate and instinctual. Then, I analyze the various legal mechanisms in U.S. and international law for constructing Soleimani as a terrorist and show that it was also unnecessary to invoke these to make Soleimani as terrorist legible. I make sense of these findings through a post-colonial lens, in which the racialization of Soleimani and the broader “terrorist” frame reproduces the uncivilized Other against which the laws of war allow force to be used.
The Effects of State-Level Discourse on Terrorist Recruitment
Existing work on terrorist recruitment marginalizes the role of strategic choice on the part of non-state militant organizations, particularly how state discourse and policies affect how such organizations decide to recruit. I address this gap in the literature by developing a theory that explains variation in recruitment appeals used by the same organization cross-nationally. Centrally, I argue that state discourses surrounding who is and is not a terrorist influence what recruitment strategies work best in which contexts. In states where certain groups are Othered and alienated through such discourses, terrorists will recruit based on appeals to ingroup solidarity and belonging. In states where such alienation is less extensive or absent, terrorists will find recruitment based on identity more difficult and instead target career fighters or individuals with specialized skills. I demonstrate the plausibility of my theory through a comparison of Islamic State propaganda in France and Germany. (working paper)
Terror is What (the United) States Make(s) of It: A Social-Constructivist Perspective on the Concept of Terrorism (with Amélie Godefroidt)
What counts as “terrorist” violence? While scholars largely agree that terrorism entails the actual or threatened use of violence aimed at generating a psychological impact in order to pursue a political motive, uneven application of the term means that what precisely constitutes “violence,” a “psychological impact,” or a “political motive” is not yet clear. Building on hegemonic theory, we first argue that these commonly agreed-upon definitional criteria are still valuable but should be used differently. Particularly post-9/11, terrorism has come to mean violence perceived as challenging the established power structures in a given society, which is terrifying as it threatens the ontological security of a state and its (majority) citizens. Second, we demonstrate the prominence of the United States’ discourses and policies on understandings of what counts as “terrorism” today, and call for further study of the differential and intersubjective understandings of “terrorism” in different cultures and contexts.
“What Does a ‘Terrorist’ Designation Mean?” Lawfare, July 19, 2020.
“The U.S. labeled a white supremacist group as ‘terrorists’ for the first time. It’s less significant than you think.” The Monkey Cage, April 30, 2020.
“Identity, Law, and How Political Elites Define Terrorism.” Political Violence at a Glance, October 18, 2019.
“Why do Facebook and Twitter’s anti-extremist guidelines allow right-wingers more freedom than Islamists?” The Monkey Cage, August 1, 2019.
“Anna Meier on Terrorist Designation and Tofu.” Say More on That, January 6, 2021.
“Holiday Baking and Understanding Terrorism Policies with Anna Meier.” Proofing and Lies, December 28, 2020.
“Facebook Can’t Decide What Terrorism Looks Like.” OneZero, November 27, 2019.
“Terrorism expert: Cudahy woman’s arrest highlights growing ISIS presence on social media.” WTMJ-TV Milwaukee, June 14, 2018.